On Kleptocracy in Sudan

In October 2017, the US lifted economic and trade sanctions on Sudan, which have been in place since 1997, due to cooperation with the Sudanese government in fighting terrorism and reducing conflict. However, contrary to Sudanese hopes of improved economic conditions, the economy deteriorated further. 

On 19 December 2018, the government of Sudan ended fuel and wheat subsidies to finance its USD53 billion external debt. Inflation in Sudan soared to 72.94%, the second highest inflation rate in the world. Now, entering its fourth month, an uprising has arised in Sudan, calling for an end to the 30-year dictatorship of President Omar Al Bashir.

When Al Bashir and his regime seized power in a military coup in June 1989, the external debt was USD14 billion, and the Sudanese pound was equivalent to USD0.5 (Now: USD0.021). Despite continuous economic distress since Al Bashir took power, he and his regime continued with policies that earned a title as one of the most corrupt in the world. Sudan ranks 172 of 175 countries on Transparency International’s 2018 Corruptions Perception Index.

Corruption over the years not only made it possible for ordinary bureaucrats in the government to become millionaires but also led to the impoverishment and degradation of millions of ordinary middle class Sudanese (approximately half the population of Sudan lives below the international poverty line). Whilst the minister of finance and economy of Sudan owns 30 apartments in Dubai, each at the cost of USD1.7 million – USD4.2 million, a university professor in Sudan works part-time as a taxi driver to sustain his living.

Since the regime took power, there has been unlawful and hidden expropriation of Sudanese resources, including money taken from banks, cuts taken from lucrative contracts in construction and agriculture, wealth generated from land sales, and diversion of oil revenues. Al Bashir has siphoned off USD9 billion of oil money into UK banks.

 In 2011, the separation of South Sudan abruptly terminated Khartoum’s access to 75% of total oil reserves, triggering the regime to become more brazen in its sale of national assets. The ripple effects of the continued short-term monetisation of national assets have had a destructive impact on the economy.

For very substantial cash now, the regime has sacrificed almost two million acres of arable lands of outstanding quality for agricultural projects run by foreign Arab investors, mortgaging Sudan’s future even after the regime is to be deposed. Sudan, which lies at the confluence of the White and Blue Nile, once a home to one of the world’s largest irrigation projects, El Gezira Scheme, (destroyed by the regime, of which remnants were sold off to undisclosed parties) and long regarded as a potential “breadbasket” of the Arab world, is no longer even agriculturally self-sufficient. It is unfortunate, that Sudanese have had their most precious resources stripped away from them over the years, making them victims of their own corrupt government.

Moreover, no accounting is available for the sales of any national assets. The opacity in sales, leases, and their beneficiaries, is keeping with the regime’s policies over the past 30 years.

The regime, dominated mainly by military figures, has consistently used its control of national military power to silence the peoples’ dissent, killing at least 50 peaceful protesters the last three months. The day 4 March 2019 marked the 10th anniversary since International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant against Al Bashir on charges of war crimes and genocide.The costs of the war in Darfur, since its start in 2003, have been estimated over USD50 billion.

Over 50% of the annual national budget is devoted to the military and security services, only 3% is allocated to education and even less to health.

The regime’s nepotism, racism and oppression led to brain drain of highly qualified professionals and the promising new generation of youth opting for migration into the middle of nowhere in the diaspora.

Rahba El Amin is a fourth year medical student at the University of Khartoum, trying to do her little bits of good everywhere she goes. She is a blogger, book-worm, aspiring writer, photographer and human rights activist — who can’t live without shai bei laban.