Three Years into the Sudanese Revolution: How has it Affected the People of Sudan

It may seem like it was just yesterday when thousands to millions of people were gathering in large groups on the streets, protesting against the government’s injustice and coercion. A lot of time has passed since then; it is now past the three-year mark of the Sudanese revolution, which led to the fall of former President Omar Al Bashir in 2019. 

Now, and with Sudan’s current political and economic state, it is a time where many Sudanese look back and see how far Sudan has come.

Going back in time

Since the revolution in 2019, Sudan has been under sovereign rule following the overthrow of dictatorship and totalitarian power. The Sovereign Council was formed in 2019 as a coalition of military and civilian members who came together and signed mutually on an agreement known as Declaration of Freedom and Change. This document is intended to pave the way for drafting a final constitution, one that supersedes the currently ruling sovereign version, which was drafted in 2005.

Since the removal of Al Bashir in April 2019, the situation in Sudan has been turbulent. The Sudanese government became heavily involved with restoring order and correction of wrongdoings. Since his appointment in office in August 2019, the former Prime Minister Abdallah Hamdok immediately acknowledged the necessity to work simultaneously on several fronts.

The public understood that many sectors required critical repairs that may go all the way up to the higher-ranked employees. Some sectors such as law enforcement and security, financial affairs and banking, and governing laws and regulations showed greater need for adjustment than others, mainly due to their sensitivity and direct effect on peoples’ lives. For that reason, respective ministers of these sectors were placed under a microscope. Every decision that was justly in favour of the public was met with a warm welcome. On the other hand, the slightest overlook was frowned upon. Nevertheless, people showed tolerance during the Sovereign Council’s first year.

The Sovereign Council was faced with more challenges when the COVID-19 pandemic broke out in 2019, posing greater threats in 2020. The country went into lockdown. All establishments – except an important few – closed their doors until further notice. This indicated a need for consuming resources that were already scarce. The pandemic enforced the use of masks in all public and private places. It exposed Sudan’s actual state in terms of weak health services, lack of data, and a struggling financial situation. To the public’s dismay, the government did not make use of the five-month imposed lockdown to work on the underdeveloped infrastructure.

Regaining status

Following reduction of safety and health measures, the Sovereign Council continued its efforts to improve the economical state by opening doors for foreign investors and global projects to enter Sudan. Things started working well after a long wait. Dr Hamdok and his cabinet were working hard to manage many standing matters. The public noticed the positive ball roll after the United Nations (UN) and the European Chamber stressed their intention to assist Sudan get back to the international scene.

Another success of the Sovereign Council was when Sudan successfully collected USD5.1 billion during an official UN session that was held in Sudan’s honour under the title Friends of Sudan. Of that USD5.1 billion, USD1.4 billion to be directly deposited to the Central Bank of Sudan. The remaining will be extended, given certain conditions are met. Sudan was well underway towards entering the Heavily Poor and Indebted Countries (HIPC) initiative – a short way to relieve Sudan of a considerable margin of its USD60 billion external debt. Moreover, the World Health Organization (WHO) and UNICEF were promptly working towards securing funds for Sudan to improve its medical sector.

The Committee for Removal of the 30 June 1989 Regime and Retrieval of Public Funds, Empowerment Removal Committee in short, was established in November 2019 to tackle previous regime’s corruption, announced to the public that its employees will work tirelessly to return the illegally taken public funds back to where it belongs. Headed by advocate Wagdi Salih, the Empowerment Removal Committee held several press releases to shed light on the National Conference Party and its members, revealing their illegally obtained lands, illegally acquired stocks shares, companies with questionable foundations, and unethical hiring. Watching corrupt individuals being publicly ridiculed and exposed brought a sense of joy to some people.

Working against the odds

It is challenging to run things smoothly in Sudan without any obstacles. In the troublesome year of 2019, people spent the first six months battling oppression. In July 2019, Hamdok arrived in office and took over from the military council. Since then, Hamdok has been functioning under continuous targeting from affiliates of National Conference Party (NCP) and individuals whom Hamdok’s correctional reforms affected negatively.

Community members started noticing inexplicable sudden resources scarcity. Common daily consumables such as petrol, sugar, bread and others were available at will. However, sights of long lines suddenly started returning despite repeated government reassurances that warehouses are well stocked with goods. This sparked dissatisfaction as the public was not willing to witness hardships similar to those that led them to revolt against Al Bashir.

Challenges continued to appear; public sector employees filed complaints against the working method of Empowerment Removal Committee, claiming that dismissals became unjustified as several dismissed employees had no connections to the targeted NCP. Moreover, things became more complicated when some employees claimed that the committee had become a new form of dictatorship, stating that committee members have been given excessive powers to use to the point they are now considered untouchables.

Situation on the streets

In the beginning of the revolution, there was willingness to wait and see. However, two years past the revolution, people grew impatient. Traders suffered losses due to unclear customs policies and unfathomably prolonged clearances. Companies entered a state of financial frenzy as the local currency stopped losing value for a brief period before continuing to drop again. No one could predict what might happen in the future. Suddenly, Sudanese people found themselves in a state of walking one step forward, two steps back.

The education sector is one of the most affected sectors in Sudan with school and university students struggling to complete their education. Studies have been in on/off situations since the early days of the revolution. They resumed in 2020 but were interrupted by lockdown. Following the ease of health restrictions in late 2021, studies continued in place and made progress only to be halted again. A dreadful educational situation, which saw several batches across different Sudanese universities taking more than six years to finish their degrees.

Neighbourhood Resistance Committees (RCs) – the grassroots organisations leading current protests across Sudan–have previously taken on the responsibility of working behind the scenes in coordination with Change and Services Committees to ensure sufficient supplies of local services and household needs – though in 2021, their tone of voice changed. They started calling for protests to march against all kinds of injustice, especially gender-based violence and delays in following through with the law. For example, the Committees call for protests on 3 June 2021 in remembrance of the 3 June Massacre where at least 100 protests who were killed on 3 June 2019. The protests called for justice to be served upon those who took their lives.

The final straw

On 25 October 2021, General Commander of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Head of the Sovereign Council Abdelfattah Al Burhan led a coup, which resolved the Sovereign Council and detained its cabinet members with help from General Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo and his Rapid Support Forces (RSF). The move came as a shock to the public and saw obvious signs of violence on the streets. Al Burhan claimed that his actions were meant to “correct the path to democracy”. However, after more than 100 days, the country is still not in order. Several individuals were offered cabinet positions; however, they declined, forcing Al Burhan to occupy the positions with secretaries of ministries. Other ministries remain managed by figures who have shown loyalty to Al Burhan and his plans.

Resistance Committees returned to action again by calling everyone to reject and disregard the new military ruled government. Anti-coup and anti-military rule protests take place every week. Large groups of people gather in public to call for a proper, just and civilian-led rule. Both parties – the public and the armed forces – entered in heated battles on the streets across the country. Peaceful protesters only march and shout, calling for justice. Nonetheless, armed forces continue to use gunfire and tear gas every time. 

After being detained then released, Hamdok was reinstated as Prime Minister in November 2021. After being released from his house arrest, Hamdok appeared in a press conference with Al Burhan to sign an agreement that should restore the form of governance back to how it was before 25 October 2021. Unfortunately, the military leadership continued to shun Forces of Freedom and Change out of the scene, leading to a political stalemate that only worsened by the increase of injured individuals and lost lives. Hamdok announced his resignation from office as prime minister in January 2022, hoping for a solution to be found.

Since the coup and resolution of the Sovereign Council, Sudan has been in a state of turmoil. The international support was halted as unrest took over the nation. According to the Central Committee of Sudan Doctors (CCSD), 80 people have been killed, and over 2,400 have been injured since the coup. The economic situation deteriorated as well. Foreign investors sensed the instability and decided to cancel their operations at once. In less than six months, Sudan lost all the stature and funding accumulated over the past two years. To date, it remains a complex situation to be solved despite external interventions.

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Tony Malik is an IT graduate of National Ribat University (Class of 2013), residing in Sudan and the UAE. His professional background includes marketing, IT, writing & translation, and business administration. He is a former writer for Sudan365.net and Goethe Institute-Sudan, and a member of German-Sudanese cooperation group.